by John F. Stenning, Encyclopædia Britannica, 11th ed. (1911)

TARGUM. The Targums are the Aramaic translations--or rather paraphrases--of the books of the Old Testament, and, in their earliest form, date from the time when Aramaic superseded Hebrew as the spoken language of the Jews. In their origin they were designed to meet the needs of the unlearned among the people who had ceased to understand the Hebrew of the Old Testament. In the absence of any precise evidence on the point it is impossible to give more than a rough estimate as to the period at which Hebrew, as a spoken language, was finally displaced by Aramaic. It is, however, certain that the latter language was firmly established in Palestine in the 1st century A.D. By that time, as we know from many sources, Aramaic was not only the language in common use, but had also received official recognition, 1 despite the fact that Hebrew still remained the learned and sacred tongue. Hence we may reasonably infer that the mass of the people had adopted Aramaic at a considerably earlier period, probably, as early as the 2nd century B.C., and that the need of Aramaic translations of the sacred text made itself felt but little later. By the Jews 2 the introduction of Targums is ascribed to Ezra; but this tradition, which probably owes its origin to the Talmudic explanation of Nehemiah 8:8 3 is inconsistent with the linguistic evidence furnished by the post-exilic literature of the Old Testament, and must be rejected as unhistorical, if only because the process by which Aramaic took the place of Hebrew was admittedly a very gradual one. The Talmudic tradition, however, is doubtless correct in connecting the origin of Targums with the custom of reading sections from the Law at the weekly services in the synagogues, since the need for a translation into the vernacular must first have arisen on such occasions. As we know from the New Testament, the custom of reading in the synagogues both from the Law 4 and from the Prophets 5 was well established in the 1st century A.D.: its introduction, therefore, will date from a much earlier period. The practice of accompanying these readings with a translation into Aramaic is, further, so generally recognized by the 2nd century A.D. that the Mishna 6 takes it for granted, and merely inculcates certain regulations to be observed by the Meturgeman (translator), who had by this time acquired a definite status. From it we learn that the Meturgeman, who was distinct from the reader, translated each verse of the Law into Aramaic as soon as it had been read in Hebrew: in the readings from "the Prophets" three verses might be read at a time. Later regulations are also laid down in the Talmuds in order to prevent any appearance of authority attaching to the translation, and also to ensure reverential treatment on the part of the translator. 7 Elsewhere, 8 we only find references to certain passages of Scripture, viz., the stories of Reuben and Tamar (Gen. 35:22 and Gen. 38), the two accounts of the golden calf (Exod. 32), the blessing of the priests (Num. 6:22f.), the stories of David and Amnon (2 Sam. 11, 12, and 13), which might be either read and translated, or only read and not translated, or (according to a different tradition) neither read nor translated. It is noticeable that none of the passages cited conveys any rules or information as to the character of the translation to be employed. Judging by the contents of our existing Targums, and the Targumic renderings given in Jewish literature, it is improbable that any definite system of interpretation was ever formally adopted, the rendering into the vernacular being left to the discretion of the individual Meturgeman. At first, no doubt, the translator endeavoured to reproduce the original as closely as possible, but, inasmuch as his object was to give an intelligible rendering, a merely literal rendering would soon be found to be insufficient, and he would be forced, especially in the more difficult passages, to take a more elastic view of his obligations. To prevent misconception he must expand and explain what was obscure, adjust the incidents of the past to the ideas of later times, emphasize the moral lessons to be learned from the national history, and, finally, adapt the rules and regulations of the Old Covenant to the conditions and requirements of his own age. As time went on the practice of introducing additional matter of an edifying character grew in popular favor, and was gradually extended. Thus, by degrees, the reproduction of the original text became of secondary importance, and merely served as a pretext for the discussion of topics that had little or no bearing on the context. The method, by which the text was thus utilized as a vehicle for conveying homiletic discourses, traditional sayings, legends and allegories, is abundantly illustrated by the Palestinian and later Targums, as opposed to the more sober translations of Onkelos and the Targum to the Prophets.

It would, however, be incorrect to suppose that the translation of the text was left entirely to the individual taste of the translator. The latter is rather to be regarded as the representative of the age in which he lived, and his interpretation is to be taken as reflecting the exegesis of that period. That there were certain limits beyond which the translator might not venture, without incurring the censure of the authorities, may be inferred from the few instances of translation which are mentioned with disapproval in the Mishna and elsewhere. Thus the rendering of Lev. 18:21 by "Thou shalt not give any of thy seed to an Aramean woman to make her conceive" is censured, presumably because the prohibition of Molech worship is thereby ignored. 9 In the same Mishnic passage it is forbidden to render Lev. 18:7 as if the text had "his father" and "his mother"! 10 Yet another translation (that of Lev. 22:28) is mentioned with disapproval in the Jerusalem Talmud, 11 though it has been preserved in the Targum Pseudo-Jonathan ad loc. 12 A definite rule for guidance in translating is apparently preserved in the Tosefta, 13 where it is stated that "he who translates quite literally is a liar, while he who adds anything is a blasphemer," Exod. 24:10, "and they saw the God of Israel" is cited as an example. It is argued that the literal rendering of this passage is inadmissible, because no man has ever seen God; on the other hand, the insertion of the word "angel" before God would be blasphemous. The correct rendering is stated to be "and they saw the glory of God." But it is doubtful if the rule here given was ever intended to apply to more than the particular type of passage exemplified: if it had been applied generally, it would have clashed with the whole trend of Midrashic and Targumic paraphrase.

There can be little doubt that the Targums existed for a long time in oral form. They belonged to the class of traditional literature which it was forbidden to write down, and, so long at least as the Targum tradition remained active, there would be little temptation to commit it to writing. But it is highly probable that this prohibition, in the case of the Targums, was mainly enforced with respect to those parts of the Old Testament which were read in the synagogal services, e.g. the Law and the Prophets, and that it was less rigidly observed in regard to the other portions of Scripture: a written translation of the latter would be of special value for the purpose of private study. Hence there is no need to reject the tradition as to the existence of a written Targum on Job in the time of Gamaliel I 14 (1st century A.D.), especially as references to Targum MSS. occur in the Mishna and elsewhere. 15 But, as Dalman has pointed out, 16 it was not these manuscripts, but the living tradition of the learned which was recognized as authoritative throughout the period which closes with the compilation of the Talmud ... The official recognition of a written Targum, and therefore the final fixing of its text, belongs to the post-Talmudic period, and is not to be placed earlier than the 5th century.


(1) The so-called Targum of Onkelos admittedly owes its name to a mistaken reference in the Babylonian Talmud. 17 In its original context, that of the Jerusalem Talmud, 18 the passage refers to the Greek translation of Aquila. With the exception of this one reference, the Targum is always introduced in the Babylonian Talmud by the phrase "as we translate" (כדמתרגמיגן), or "our Targum" (תרגום דידן): it is probable, therefore, that the name of the author, or authors, was unknown to the Babylonian Jews. It is first quoted under the title of the Targum of Onkelos by Gaon Sar Shalom (d. A.D. 859). According to Dalman, 19 its language differs in many material particulars from the Aramaic dialects of the Palestinian and Babylonian Talmuds, and is more closely allied to the biblical Aramaic. On the linguistic side, therefore, we may regard Onkelos "as a faithful representative of a Targum which had its rise in Judaea, the old seat of Palestinian literary activity." It is not, however, to be regarded as a reproduction in written form of a Palestinian translation, but rather as an official translation of the Law, in the Judaean dialect, which was carried out in Babylon, probably about the 4th century A.D.: in its final form, according to Dalman (l.c.) it cannot be earlier than the 5th century. The translation, as a whole, is good, and adheres very closely to the Hebrew text, which has not been without its influence on the Aramaic idiom; at times, especially in the poetical passages, a freer and more paraphrastic method is employed, and the version shows evident traces of Halakhic and Haggadic expansion. The Hebrew text used by the translators appears to have been practically identical with the Massoretic. The version was held in high esteem in Babylon, and, later, in Palestine, and a special Massora was made for it. The latest edition is Berliner's reprint (1884) of the Editio Sabbioneta (1557).

Of all the extant Targums that of Onkelos affords perhaps the most characteristic and consistent example of the exegetical methods employed in these works. Two principles may be said to have guided the translators. On the one hand, they had, as their primary object, to produce a faithful rendering of the original which at the same time would be intelligible to the people: for this purpose a purely literal translation would be insufficient. On the other hand, they regarded it as necessary to present the sacred text in such a manner as best to convey the particular form of interpretation then current. But later Jewish exegesis was especially concerned to eliminate everything in the sacred writings that might give rise to misconception with respect to God on the part of the unlearned. Hence we find various expedients adopted in the Targums for avoiding any reference to the Deity, which might be misunderstood by the people, or which involved apparent irreverence. Examples of this peculiarly Targumic method are: (1) the insertion of "word" (מימרא), "glory" (יקדא), "presence" (שכינא) before the divine name, when God is referred to in his dealings with men; (2) the insertion of the preposition "before" (קרם) when God is the object of any action; (3) the use of the passive for the active voice ... (4) the use of periphrasis for the more pronounced anthropomorphisms, such as "to smell," "to taste," or when the use of the status constructus might seem to bring God into too close connection with men or things; (5) the use of different expressions, or the insertion of a preposition before the divine name, when God is compared to man, or the same action is predicated of God and man; (6) the use of יי for יהוה and אלהים, and the rendering דחלא or טעוא when אלהים denotes heathen gods. Instances of this endeavour to maintain, as it were, a respectful distance in speaking of God occur on every page of the Targums, but cases also occur, by no means infrequently, where human actions and passions are ascribed to God. The explanation of this phenomenon is to be found in the fact that anthropomorphisms, as such, were not necessarily avoided, but only in those cases where they might be misunderstood by the people.

(2) In addition to the Targum of Onkelos two other Targums to the Pentateuch are cited by Jewish authorities, under the titles of the Targum Jerushalmi and the Targum of Jonathan ben Uzziel. Of these the former contains only portions of the Pentateuch, 20 and is therefore usually designated the Fragmentary (Jerusalem) Targum. In a large number of cases this Targum gives merely a variant rendering of single words: where longer passages are given it presents a very paraphrastic translation, and bears all the marks of a late Haggadic composition. Its fragmentary character arises from the fact that it is simply a collection of variae lectiones and additions to the version of Onkelos, intended possibly for use at public services. 21 That this Targum was really intended to supplement that of Onkelos is shown by comparing the two texts. For the former is frequently unintelligible without the latter, since it offers no translation of those words, or clauses, for which it gave the same rendering as Onkelos. On the other hand, the version of Onkelos affords just the supplementary material that is required to restore sense to the shorter text. Moreover, in not a few cases the Fragmentary Targum itself attaches to its variant rendering the succeeding word from Onkelos, thus indicating that from this point onwards the latter version is to be followed. More conclusive still is the fact that in a number of old Mahzor MSS. we find Targums to the Song of Moses and to the Decalogue, in which this process has been fully carried out, the text of Onkelos being given as well as the variants of the Fragmentary Targum.

The second Jerusalem Targum, or the so-called pseudo-Jonathan, admittedly owes its ascription to Jonathan ben Uzziel to the incorrect solution of the abbreviated form by which it was frequently cited, viz. ת " י, or Targum Jerushalmi (תרגום ירושלמי). This Targum represents a later and more successful attempt to correct and supplement the Targum of Onkelos by the aid of variants derived from another source. It is not, however, a revision of the Fragmentary Targum--for it is clearly independent of that version--but is rather a parallel, if somewhat later, production, in which the text of Onkelos is already combined with a number of variants and additions. It is noticeable that this Targum has been considerably influenced by the Targum of Onkelos, and in this respect, as in others, is far less trustworthy than the Fragmentary Targum, as a witness to the linguistic and other peculiarities of the source from which they were both derived. It exhibits, to a marked degree, that tendency to expand the text by additions of every kind, which has been already noted as characteristic of the later stages of Targumic composition. Homilies, legends, traditional sayings and explanations, in fact every form of Haggadic expansion are utilized by the Targumist, so that at times his works convey the impression more of a late Midrash than of a translation. This impression is fully confirmed by (a) a comparison of the Talmud and later Midrashic works with which it has obvious points of contact, and (b) the historical allusions, such as the mention of Constantinople (Num. 24:19), of a wife and daughter of Mahomet (Gen. 21:21), and the references to Esau and Ishmael as representative world-powers (Gen. 49:26; Deut. 33:2; cf. Fragm. Tg. to Gen. 49:2; Deut. 33:2). 22 In its translation of the Hebrew pseudo-Jonathan is careful to avoid anthropomorphisms and to give the sense of all but the most simple metaphors, though his method is not so thorough as that of Onkelos. Every endeavour is made to gloss over, or modify, expressions which seemed derogatory to the ancestors of Israel, and to amplify everything which redounded to their credit. On the other hand, pseudo-Jonathan shows a tendency to condense those additions which it has in common with the Fragmentary Targum: in particular he omits all quotations from Scripture.

In regard to the source of the two Palestinian Targums to the Pentateuch, we must accept the conclusion of Bassfreund 23 that they both derived their variants from a complete Targum Jerushalmi. This conclusion is based on the following grounds: (1)Various Jewish works dating from the 11th to the 14th century contain a large number of quotations under the heading ת " י, i.e. Targum Jerushalmi. Of these rather less than a quarter are found in the Fragmentary Targum, the remainder being mostly taken from passages for which no translation of that Targum exists. This completer work, however, cannot be identified with the pseudo-Jonathan, for more than half of these quotations are missing from the latter; and further, in passages for which we possess both the Targums, the text of the Fragmentary Targum agrees much more closely with the quotations: the linguistic evidence also shows that the Fragmentary Targum is a more faithful representative of thc original source; (2) the pseudo-Jonathan displays a curious inconsistency in its rendering of particular words and phrases, at one time following Onkelos, at another a different source. That this latter source is the Targum Jerushalmi is proved, in the majority of cases, by a comparison with the Fragmentary Targum; (3) quotations from Scripture preserved in the Fragmentary Targum point to a completer version than our prevent Fragmentary Targum. But though the existence of an older Targum Jerushalmi cannot be denied, it is clear that the form in which it was utilized by the two Palestinian Targums cannot be of an early date, for many of the latest elements in the Fragmentary and pseudo-Jonathan Targums were undoubtedly derived from their common source. Moreover, the existence of a written Palestinian Targum at an early date is expressly excluded by the evidence at our disposal. In the middle of the 2nd century A.D. R. Simon ben Gamaliel forbade the translation of the Pentateuch in any language but Greek; 24 and this command was upheld by R. Johanan in the 3rd century. Even in the time of the later Amoraim there is no mention of a written Palestinian Targum, though the official Babylonian Targum is repeatedly referred to in the Babylonian Talmud, in the Midrashim, and at times also by Palestinian Amoraim. These considerations are sufficient to disprove the theory of Geiger, 25 which has for so long been accepted in one form or another, that the Targum of Onkelos was merely a reproduction of the old Targum Jerushalmi revised in accordance with the "new Halakha" introduced by R. Aqiba. Yet it is impossible to hold that the Targum of Onkelos was the only representative of Targum tradition that existed among the Jews down to the 7th century A.D., the period to which the internal evidence compels us to assign the Targum Jerushalmi as used by the Fragmentary Targum and the pseudo-Jonathan. We must rather assume that a tolerably fixed Targum tradition existed in Palestine from quite early times. The language employed in the Targum of Onkelos is, admittedly, Palestinian or Judaean, and since language and thought are ever closely allied, we may conjecture that the current Judaean exegesis, which, in part at least, must go back to the 2nd century A.D., was not without its influence on the Babylonian translation. This old Targum tradition, however, never received official recognition in Palestine, and was unable, therefore, to hold its own when the new Babylonian version was introduced. We may infer that, as time went on, a reaction in favor of the older renderings made itself felt, with the result that these were collected in the form of variants and appended to Onkelos. But the authority enjoyed by the latter rendered it secure against any encroachments; hence any later expansions, especially those of a popular Haggadic character, naturally found their way into the less stereotyped Targum Jerushalmi. Unfortunately, we possess but little material for controlling the texts either of the Fragmentary Targum or of the pseudo-Jonathan. Of the latter only one manuscript (Brit. Museum Add. 27031) is known to exist, and this has been utilized by Ginsburger in his Pseudo-Jonathan (Berlin, 1903). The same scholar has also edited the Paris manuscript (110) of the Fragmentary Targum (Das Fragmententhargum, Berlin, 1899), to which he has added the variants from Cod. Vat. 440 and the manuscripts at Nuremberg and Leipzig. In the same edition are collected the various fragments of the Targum Jerushalmi which are to be found in the early editions of the Pentateuch and in part also in various manuscripts.


The official Targum on the Prophets is stated by the Babylonian Talmud 26 to have been "said" by Jonathan ben Uzziel, the disciple of Hillel, and is usually known, therefore, as the Targum Jonathan. Elsewhere in the Talmud, however, the quotations from this Targum are given under the name of Joseph bar Chijah, head of the school at Pumbadita in the 4th century A.D. Both in language--though naturally there is some variation of vocabulary--and style it closely resembles the Targum of Onkelos, and appears to have been modelled on that translation: in certain passages, indeed, it appears to have made use of it. 27 Probably, like Onkelos, it did not assume its final form in Babylon before the 5th century A.D. It naturally follows from the character of the original that the rendering of this Targum is less literal than that of Onkelos, especially in the prophetic books, but, when due allowance is made for the difficulty of the Hebrew, it may be described on the whole as a faithful reproduction of the original text. Its peculiarities of rendering are due to the same principles which were noted as underlying the translation of the Pentateuch. Anthropomorphisms, as a rule, are avoided by means of the same expedients as those employed by Onkelos, expressions derogatory to the dignity of God, or of the heroes of the nation, are softened down, while figurative language is either boldly transposed, or its character clearly shown by the introduction of the particle "as" or "like." There is, further, a tendency to narrow down the scope of the prophetic utterances, and to limit their application to Israel and its immediate enemies. Lastly, in the obscurer passages the Haggadic method of interpretation is employed to its fullest extent, while the translation throughout shows a marked tendency to explanatory additions.

Of a Targum Jerushalmi to the Prophets but little is known, though it is hardly doubtful that such a Targum existed, if only in oral form. Traces of this version have been discovered by Bacher 28 in the variants attached to the margin of the Codex Reuchlinianus, and printed by Lagarde in his edition of Prophetae Chaldaice (1872). These fragments, which have been preserved under the headings ... exhibit certain features in common with the Jerusalem Targums to the Pentateuch, and are demonstrably of post-Talmudic date. According to Kohut's list of Targum quotations in 'Aruk, a Jerusalem Targum existed also for the Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Canticles, Lamentations, Ecciesiastes and Esther, but this list is scarcely reliable, and, as Dalman has pointed out, 29 the quotations in 'Aruk to Kings, Ezekiel, Proverbs and Lamentations are the only ones that point with certainty to the existence of a Targum Jerushalmi.


These Targums possess but little interest for the student of Jewish literature as they are almost entirely the work of individuals, made in imitation of the older Targums. Despite the reference to a Targum of Job in the 1st century (see above), all the extant Targums to the Hagiographa are later in date than the Targums to the Law and the Prophets.

(i) Targums to the Psalms and Job. These Targums present certain features in common and may therefore be treated under the same heading. Like all the later Targums they exhibit a large amount of explanatory addition, chiefly Haggadic in character. At the same time the translation of the original is not neglected; and, when separated from the later accretions, this is found to follow the Hebrew tolerably closely. Peculiar to these Targums are the double translations, which they give to many verses, one of which is usually Haggadic in character, while the other is more literal. Bacher 30 would assign these Targums to the 4th or 5th century, but, as Dalman has pointed out, 31 they exhibit linguistic features in common with the Jerusalem Targums to the Pentateuch. They cannot be earlier than the 7th century A.D., and possibly are of a considerably later date.

(2) The Targum to the Proverbs stands apart owing to the peculiarity of the language in which it is written. The influence of the Peshitta version is so clearly marked, 32 that Dalman (l.c.) describes it as a Jewish revision of that version. But setting aside the Syriasms due to the use of the Peshitta, the Targum shows affinity to the Targums to the Psalms and Job. The translation is literal and almost entirely free from Haggadic additions. 33

(3) The Targums to the Megilloth. The chief characteristic of these Targums is their exaggerated use of paraphrase. They mark the final stage in the development of Haggadic interpretation, in which the translation of the text has practically disappeared in a mass of fantastic and irrelevant matter. The Targum of Esther is known to us in three recensions: (1) that of the Antwerp Polyglot, almost a literal translation; (2) that of the London Polyglot, which gives practically the same text with many additions of a Haggadic character; (3) the so-called second (sheni) Targum, a much larger work, containing a collection of later Midrashim to this book. According to Zunz 34 this "second" Targum is quoted by Rashi (to Deut. 3:4) as a Jerusalem Targum, and also (1 Kings 10:19) as the "Haggada" of the Megilloth Esther. The Targum to Canticles is of a similar character to that of the "second" Esther. Dalman assigns these Targums to a date half-way between the Babylonian Targums (Onkelos and that to the Prophets) and the Jerusalem Targums to the Pentateuch and those to the greater Hagiographa. The British Museum possesses three important Yemen manuscripts for the five Megilloth and the "second" Esther Targum in MSS. Or. 1302, 1476, and 2375.

(4) The Targum to the Chronicles was first edited from an Erfurt manuscript by M. F. Beck, 1680-1683. A more complete and accurate edition from a Cambridge manuscript was edited by D. Wilkins in 1715. In the translation, which at times is fairly literal, use appears to have been made of the Jerusalem Targums to the Pentateuch, and of the Targums to the books of Samuel and Kings. The text represented by the Erfurt manuscript is assigned to the 8th, that of the Cambridge manuscript to the 9th century A.D. 35

No Targums have so far been discovered to Daniel and Ezra and Nehemiah.

1. Cf. Dalman, Die Worte Jesu, p. 2 f.; Grammatik des jüd.-paläst. Aramäisch, 2nd ed., p. 9 f.

2. Sanhedrin, 21b.; Jer. Meg., i.

3. Nedarim, 37b; Jer. Meg., iv.--"and they read in the book, in the law of God, this is the Scripture, mephorash (R.V. distinctly), this is the Targum."

4. Acts 15:21.

5. Luke 4:16 f.; Acts 13:14, 27.

6. Meg. iv. 4-6, 10.

7. Tos. Meg., 3; Jer. Meg., iv. 1-3; Sota, 39b; Sopherim, xi. 1, xii. 7, xiv. 2.

8. Meg., 25, 25b; cf. Ginsburger, M.G.W.J., xliv. 1 f.

9. Meg., iv. 9; cf. Jer. Meg., iv. 9; Sanhed., ix. 1, where the meaning is given as--"He who marries an Aramean woman and raiseth up children by her raiseth up enemies to God"; for another explanation, see Ginsburger, M.G.W.J., xliv. 5 f.

10. Cf. Berliner, Targum Onkelos, ii. p. 85 f.

11. Meg., iv. 10.

12. Cf. Ginsburger, l.c.

13. Tos. Meg., end.

14. Tos. Shabb.; cf. Jer. Shabb., xvi.; Bab. Shabb., II5a; Sopherim, v. xv.

15. Jad. iv. 5, and see the preceding references.

16. Grammatik des jüdisch-palästinischen Aramäisch, p. 12 f.

17. Meg. 3a.

18. Meg. i. 9.

19. Gramm. p. 12 f.

20. According to Zunz, Gottesdienstliche Vorträge, 2nd ed., p. 80, its contents bear the following proportions: 1/3 to Genesis, 3/20 to Exodus, about 1/14 to Leviticus, 1/5 to Numbers, and 1/4 to Deuteronomy.

21. Seligsohn, De duabus Hier. Pent. paraphrasibus (1858): for a fuller discussion see Bassfreund, "Das Fragmenten Targum" in M.G.W.J. xl.

22. The view that Deut. 33:11 could only have been written by a contemporary of John Hyrcanus cannot be maintained; cf. Dalman, Gramm. p. 30 f., and, more fully, Bassfreund, M.G.W.J. xliv. (1900), pp. 481 f.

23. M.G.W.J. xl.

24. Meg. i. 11.

25. Urschrift (1857), pp. 162 ff., 451 ff.; Nachgelassene Schriften, iv. p. 98 f.; Jüdische Zeitschrift (1871), ix. p. 85 f.

26. Meg.3a.

27. Berliner, Targum Onkelos, ii. p. 124 f.

28. Z.D.M.G. xxviii. and xxix.

29. Gramm. p. 29.

30. Jüdische Monatschrift, xx. 208 f., xxi. 408 f., 462 f.

31. Gramm. p. 34.

32. Dathe, De ratione consensus versionis chaldaicae et syriacae, proverbiorum Salomonis, ed. Rosenmüller, 1814; cf. Maybaum and Nöldeke in Merx Archiv., 1871, and Baumgartner, Etude critique sur l'etat du texte du livre des Proverbs, 1890.

33. Cf. Pinkuss, Die syrische Uebersetzung der Proverbien, Z.A.T.W., 1894.

34. G.V. p.83.

35. Rosenberg and Kohler in Geiger's Jüdische Zeitschrift, 1870.